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CONTENT

____________________________

Introduction to Polyphony

Polyphony, based on a bi-annual publication of the same name, is an historical testimony of the many ethnic cultures that constitute Ontario's people. The pages that follow, reflect the people of Polyphony and portray them as sharing similar experiences: their manner of arrival in Ontario, the development of their communities and the problems they faced. These experiences, in the context of themes such as labour, sports or theatre, are the primary foci of Polyphony.

Presented here in digital form,is a collection of articles, photographs and audio clips selected from Polyphony and the Multicultural History Society of Ontario (MHSO). Together they provide an introduction to the history rich with Ontario's cultural diversity.

~ This website explores the immigrant experience through eight different themes. Within each theme, there are articles, photographs and oral testimonies that provide a glimpse into the history and development of immigrants in Ontario. Each theme contains three to six articles, an oral history clip(s), as well as a selection of photos. Enjoy! ~

 

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Featured here is an excerpt from the first issue of Polyphony:

The purpose of Polyphony is to introduce the reader to the Multicultural History Society of Ontario. The Society hopes to ensure the survival of as full a record as possible of immigration to Ontario, ethnicity, the old country origins of our people, and the historical experience of all groups in the province.

This bulletin is named Polyphony (consisting of many sounds or voices) because we believe that the musical concept of many melodies harmonizing contrapuntally(when added part by part) and progressively offers a more exact metaphor for the role of ethnicity in the life of our province than does the static image of the mosaic. The Society hopes that its work will not only foster scholarly research but will help to drive stereotyping, cliché, and prejudice from the classroom.

The material presented here is the work of many people with many views about ethnic studies, archives, history, teaching, and the role of government and politics in multiculturalism.

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Sports

The playing field, gym, or rink can be described as an arena for true Meritocracy, a world where raw talent motivation and mastery of skill rather than dialect, surname, or appearance alone define the individual.

Many great strides have been made in the world of sports that have influenced other avenues of immigrant life. The breaking down of ethnic and racial barriers in sport go a long way in aiding the ongoing eradication of racism in general. In this sense, sports has become a tool for new immigrants and people of colour alike. On the playing field, where action is the language of choice, new immigrants have the opportunity to speak freely, without fear of persecution. Sport has become a way not only to integrate a new immigrant, but also a medium through which people participate and interact with each other beyond one's immediate family.

Both the social aspects of sports and its ability to bring peoples together have made it an essential and necessary part of the immigrant experience.

(Excerpt from Introduction in Polyphony (Sports); Spring/Summer 1985, Vol 7, No 1. Written by Robert F. Harney)


Related Articles

History of the Equadorian League of Amateur Soccer (LEFA)

The flow of Latin Americans to Canada began in 1968. For those of us who arrived here hoping to build a better future, Canada was a country of promise and aspiration. Upon arrival, however, we faced a number of problems: the unknown language, the inhospitable climate, the fact that we were immigrants and a series of difficulties related directly to a new way of life that differed greatly from the one we had left behind in Latin America. These problems created an atmosphere of discontent, uncertainty and fear among us. Inspired by the fragrance of spring, a group of us from Toronto got together in 1970 at Christie Park and formed a soccer team. We named the team Sporting Christie because the majority of its members lived in the neighbourhood. full article

Baseball and Ethnic Violence in Toronto: The Case of the Christie Pits Riot, August 16, 1933

During the depression, the City of Toronto made a concerted effort to keep many of its young men out of trouble by providing them with a program of organised sports at a number of parks and playgrounds.1 The most popular of the sports activities was baseball, and amateur teams were followed by their fans with a degree of enthusiasm nearly equal to that shown for the major leagues. On most evenings during the summer months amateur hardball and softball games provided free and exciting entertainment for many who could not afford more expensive forms of leisurely diversion. At one of these games, played in Willowvale Park (popularly referred to as Christie Pits), one of the most serious ethnic disturbances in Toronto's history took place. full article

Sports and Inter-Ethnic Relations at Camp Petawawa

Between June 1940 and the autumn of 1943, no less than 400 Italian-Canadian civilians were interned at Camp Petawawa, Ontario. These internees comprised the largest contingent of "enemy aliens" in the camp.1 Although they were generally well treated - the camp did not lack for basic amenities - these men suffered from a variety of physical and psychological deprivations. The loss of freedom, the confusion attending their arrest, the uncertainty regarding the length of their confinement and the sudden removal from their families and place of business, created a sense of bitterness and frustration among them. full article

The Chatham All-Stars - An Interview

INTERVIEWER: It's August 6, 1984. We are attempting our first interview with King Terrell, who was one of the original All-Stars. The All-Stars were a coloured baseball team who played in the depression years and who made history, who had a lot of fun together, a lot of trouble together too. And King, I'd like to ask you today how did the All-Stars really get started? KINGSLEY TERRELL: Well from what I can remember, it was in 1933. And a bunch of us got together. Well there was different ones, we was playing Carl, and, let me see, somebody else that I knew real well played on the old Sterling Imperials. full article


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Multicultural History Society of Ontario
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Theatre

In an age of cable television, of shop windows piled high with videotaped foreign movies which rent for a few dollars per day, it is difficult to convey a sense of how important theatre was, and often still is, to the ethnoculture and social life of immigrants.

Theatre provides a creative outlet for a community and its' peoples. While the ethnic press represents its community with the written word, theatre brings to life the values, ideas and issues of a community through the artistry of acting, writing, costume, and setting. While ethnic theatre represents the values and attitudes of a community, it also serves to instill and reinforce those morals in all members of the community, young and old.

Theatre, like the ethnic press and the "life histories" derived from oral testimony, enables us to hear the authentic voice of immigrants.

(Edited excerpt from Introduction in Polyphony (Ethnic Theatre), Fall/Winter 1983, Vol 5, No 2. Written by Robert F. Harney)

Related Articles

Bengali Theatre in Toronto

Kalyan Banerjee arrived in Toronto in 1969. He came from Calcutta and among the various talents and interests he brought to this country was a passion for theatre. Kalyan Banerjee's plays have added another dimension to Bengali community life - another opportunity to gather together to celebrate their tradtional culture and the new life they are creating in Canada for themselves and for generations to come... full article

Black Theatre Canada: a Decade of Struggle

The history of Black Theatre Canada has been fraught with obstacles that would contribute to the quick death of most community organizations. Canada's first and oldest professional Black theatre company was born in Toronto in 1973. Its survival has hinged upon the dedication and commitment of its founder and administrative/artistic director, Vera Cudjoe... full article

Toronto Chinese Drama Associations

From 1935-49 the Chinese community was actively involved in the dramatic arts. During the depression and later throughout the Sino-Japanese and Second World Wars, local talent performed regularly for fund-raising benefits. It was also at this time that the drama associations enjoyed an influx of visiting stars as the war drove many performers to North America... full article

Filipino Traditions in Music, Dance and Drama

Filipino traditional music, dance and drama are as varied as their regions of origin; but singing and dancing have always been a part of Filipino festivities - whether in urban or rural areas. Music and drama symbolize the way of life and temperament of Filipinos... full article

 

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Religion

Whether immigrants had taken religion for granted before the ocean crossing or had fought long and hard to maintain it against oppressors, most asserted their ancestral faith once they arrived in North America. The parish, the congregation or the shul became the places where the people with similar backgrounds regrouped after immigrating, the clergy often serving as intermediaries between newcomers and the sometimes frightening civil authorities. Even before a place of worship actually existed to become the focus of the revived ethnic life, the role of religion in the survival of the group often proved critical. In fact, sometimes a religious figure in a rented hall dominated by a few active, devout laymen, provided the only trace of cultural continuity, which men and women, uprooted from their homeland, desired. The church building itself, or an attached hall or school, became both the rallying point for the community and the main physical manifestation of new fellow feeling.

(Edited excerpt from the Introduction in Polyphony (Religion). Written by Robert F. Harney.)


Related Articles

The German Community of St. Patrick's Parish, 1929 to the Present

St. Patrick's Church was built in 1861 for the Irish Catholics of the city, but it was not until 1929 that a German-speaking Redemptorist priest was appointed to minister to the German Catholics in the City of Toronto. A small congregation gathered at the church on October 6, 1929, and from that small beginning, the congregation was to grow into a thriving community over the next few decades... full article

Sikhs

Sikhs are one of the most visible minorities. With his beard and turban, a Sikh can be identified in any crowd. Still they are perhaps the least understood as a people. Not many people know about the beliefs, practices and ethics of the Sikhs, and still fewer will understand their significance... full article

Muslim Rituals, Practices and Social Problems in Ontario

The growth in the South Asian Muslim population in Toronto has led to an inevitable growth in attendance at mosques. The mosques promote the identity and security of South Asian Muslims in an alien environment. The author, who is leader of a mosque in Toronto with a large South Asian constituency, describes his dual function as a religious guide and a social counselor... full article

The First Armenian Church in Cananda: St. Gregory the Illumintator

The horror of Genocide brought solidarity to the Armenian people of St. Catharines. For them the 1920s had been a period of co-operation, culminating in the completion of the first Armenian church in Canada in 1930. Using church records, autobiographies and personal recollections, I will attempt to describe this period of our history in Ontario... full article

 

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Mutual Aid Societies

All immigrant groups developed mutual aid associations of one kind or another. The names of these organizations differed from nationality to nationality and the form and nature of organizational life differed as well, but whether they were called mutual aid, self-help, benevolent, fraternal, or sick benefit societies, the descriptive titles of the early ethnocultural associations reflected the purpose of banding together.

They were the acknowledgement of mutual dependence among immigrants in the face of shared peril. Although the creation of these societies almost always answered socio-economic and ritual problems first, they also spoke to the dignity and morale of both the individual immigrant and the ethnic group in North America.

(Edited excerpt from the Introduction in Polyphony (Mutual Aid). Written by Robert F. Harney.)


Related Articles

History of the Canadian Arab Friendship Society

Arab immigration to Canada has gone on for at least a hundred years. During this period the new arrivals have come, tried to preserve some of the virtues and values of their homelands, but most, in a few years, melted into mainstream Canadian society. Generally, Arab immigrants, whether Christian or Muslim, in one or two generations severed much of their cultural connection with the past... full article

Indian Immigrant Aid Services

In 1970 an unemployed East Indian immigrant, isolated from family back home and unable to make friends in his new environment, took his own life. This tragic incident shocked Toronto's Indian community. A meeting was held by concerned community members to discuss ways in which such a tragedy could be averted. It was decided to form an organisation which would cater specifically to the needs of the East Indian immigrant... full article

St. Stanislaus - St. Casimir's Parish Credit Union

With one hundred dollars and a desire to assist financially needy Polish immigrants in Toronto, a determined priest and a small group of followers founded what today is an affluent financial institution with assets of nearly seventy million dollars. With seventeen thousand members, St. Stanislaus - St. Casimir's Credit Union Ltd. also prides itself on being the largest parish credit union in the world... full article

Portuguese Immigrants in Toronto

The chief problems of the new immigrants arose from the difficulty of finding jobs, and from their lack of English. There were no Social Agencies in those days either, so some of the Portuguese who knew a little English began to act as interpreters for the others... full article

 

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Education

The government's decision to support heritage language teaching is tied closely to the policy of multiculturalism, and indeed the issue of state support for heritage language teaching has become one of the favoured battlegrounds of those who support or oppose the larger multicultural policy which was first announced in 1971 and confirmed recently. The true origin of heritage language teaching was the parental and ethnocommunal desire to maintain a common language, "a privileged communal code of communication," with their children in the face of rapid acculturation and to pass on through that code of ideas, folkways, and valued that they see as their heritage.

(Edited excerpt from the Introduction in Polyphony (Language). Written by Robert F. Harney.)


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Greek Immigrant Women from Asia Minor: Philoptoho and Language Schools

Philoptoho means "friends to the poor." The Greek Ladies' Philoptoho Society was also known as the Charitable Greek Church Fraternity or Sorority of Ladies. Their participation in the Greek language schools helped fill a need within the community to formalize the desire for cultural continuity, and was also perceived as an amplification of their role as educators of the immigrant and Canadian-born children... full article

The Federal Government's Cultural Enrichment Programme

When second generation Canadians are asked if they speak their family's language, they will often answer, "Well, no, we never really spoke it at home. My mother didn't want us to have an accent." Far from having formal instruction in their heritage language, children could actually be punished for speaking it at school and were made to feel ashamed because of it... full article

Wandering Spirit Survival School - Toronto Native Way School

In operation since 1976, Wandering Spirit began as a volunteer school at the Native Canadian Centre, later became an alternative school, and then in 1983, was recognized as a Native People's Survival School, a distinct school category subject to distinct policies. What makes Wandering Spirit a special school? full article

Filipino Canadians: Where is Our Heritage Language Going?

In a place like Ontario, one is apt to wonder why the Filipino-Canadians do not seem to exert any effort to promote the use of their heritage language. Before we try to find the answers to this problem, one question has to be answered: Is there a Filipino Heritage Language? full article

Bengali Language Learning: Opportunities in and Around Toronto

With a very few exceptions, most Bengali parents not only expect or encourage their children to learn Bengali, they demand it. When asked rhetorically "Why should the children learn Bengali?" many parents become upset, and their response ranges from incredulous to indignant. The outbursts range from the assertion of "keeping their own culture and heritage" to "being a Bengali." full article


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Labour

Immigration is caused by any number of push-factors; famine, political oppression, poverty and lack of opportunity are a few reasons people choose to leave their place of birth. All have one thing in common; they are all symptoms of an individual's lack of power to be successful. Immigrants often leave their homelands in search of an alternative - a better life.

Labour issues have always been a major concern for immigrants. Many waves of immigration were often rooted in the needs of the host country's labor needs. Examining the trends in labour in Ontario and consequently, the trends in immigration, are key to understanding the immigrant experience in our province. Labour issues, such as unions, working situations and the need for manual labour in developing the province, played a major role in shaping the face of Ontario and the lives of Ontario's immigrants.

(Written by Ryan Yao and Tasha Zamudio)


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"Going to Work in America": Finnish Maids, 1911-30

After the turn of the century, Finnish domestics were enticed to come to Canada. The federal government bent immigration regulations, created special categories and made easier travel arrangements for women who promised to work as domestic servants. In fact, it was the only category, in addition to farm worker... full article

Hungarian Immigrant Women

Hungarian immigrant women were expected to be bread-winners, homemakers, wives, mothers and often pillars of the community. Many fulfilled all of these roles and more. This article describes the lives and accomplishments of a few of these women... full article

A Commitment to Serve - Three Jamaican Women in Toronto

"...it struck me that many Black women are both professionals and volunteer community workers, pursuing two full-time careers. The three women interviewed for this article support this viewpoint. While they are professionals, their off duty hours are spent as active participants in the community, energizing and sustaining Black cultural identity..." full article

Dance No More: Chinese Hand Laundries in Toronto

Clothes washing was a common occupation for the earlier Chinese Canadians who chose Toronto as their new hometown. Indeed, the first Chinese recorded in the City Directory of Toronto were the owners of two laundries founded in 1877... full article

Thunder Bay's Two Little Italies: 1880s-1940s

The decade 1902-12 was a formidable one for the Italian community. Faced with harsh industrial conditions in the work place, Italian workers found themselves in the vanguard of militant labour action. On a number of occasions they found themselves facing the combined resources and muscle of railway company private constables, police, militia and even regular troops... full article

All in the Family: Three Generations of the Wrzesnewskyj Family and the Future Bakery

Future Bakery is a family-run business. We have been baking for three generations. It all started with my Polish grandfather, Felix Wrzesnewskyj, in tzarist Russia. In 1905 after numerous years of apprenticeship, he was granted a master baker's diploma from the court of Tsar Nicholas Il, where he baked until 1915... full article

 

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Thunder Bay's Two Little Italies: 1880s-1940s
ANTONIO PUCCI

Thunder Bay's People
Vol. 9 No. 2, 1987 Pg. 51

Although the Italian Canadians of Thunder Bay constitute the largest ethnic group, surpassed only by those of British descent, and although Italians have played a major role in the development of this northern city since the 1880s, their historical participation remains generally unknown.

The aim of this paper is, in part, to remedy this situation by attempting to bring to life some key experiences of the group's early Canadian evolution from the 1880s to the 1940s, which forms an essential chapter in the history of Thunder Bay.

In 1919 Robert F. Foerster, the first American scholar to study the circumstances which provoked large-scale Italian emigration, asserted that, "emigration from Italy belongs among the extraordinary movements of mankind." He felt that this phenomenon was particularly remarkable both because of its intensity over an extended period of time and for the impact it had in receiving countries.1

Statistics reveal that the total emigration from Italy to European and various transoceanic destinations, from 1876-99, was over five and a half million. From 1900-15, when emigration was at its peak, over nine million people left Italy.

In the post-World War One era, 1919-30, the total surpassed three million. The political climate of the 1930s and the outbreak of the Second World War brought the movement to a virtual halt. The next major wave of Italian emigration would occur in the 1950s and the early 1960s. Elements of the Italian mass emigration began to trickle into Canada in the 1880s.

Many of the early immigrants first worked in the United States and later crossed the border in search of work, particularly in railroad construction. The following letter, written by the mayor of Port Arthur to the consul general of Italy in 1884, provides an interesting account of the experiences of some of the early arrivals to this area: There was a large number of Italians that arrived here last fall and from what I could learn they were induced through the persuasion of employment agents in Buffalo and other points east.

On their arrival they were [indecipherable] but were provided with provisions by the town authorities. Some of the party went east to work on the Canadian Pacific Railway a distance of one hundred miles from here, the balance left by the Sarnia steamer for Sarnia.

I have not heard that any of them died from exposure but they must have suffered considerably. At the time there were [sic] no one here that could speak their language and consequently could not make themselves understood.2

The lack of interpreters for these arrivals is not surprising as the 1881 Census shows that there was no one of Italian origin in Port Arthur and only one Italian-born person was reported in Fort William. However, the combination of railway construction, the moving of grain, the coal and ore docks, saw mills and other related industries had by 1906 turned the two communities of Port Arthur

and Fort William into a thriving commercial centre. Eager immigrants, including Italians, found their way there to take advantage of job opportunities. Indeed, by 1901, the census reflected the existence of an Italian presence in the two communities. It reported 70 and 127 persons of Italian origin in Port Arthur and Fort William respectively.

In 1911 the figures had increased to 472 and 710. By 1921 the respective numbers stood at 698 and 1,342; in 1931, 923 and 1,642. These figures do not take into account an estimated 1,000 transient Italian workers that would fluctuate the population of the two cities according to seasonal and economic shifts in the economy.

With the Italian immigration of the 1950s and early 1960s, the Thunder Bay community experienced considerable growth and increased vitality. By the 1970s it numbered well over 10,000, forming the largest ethnic community in the city.

Early Italian neighbourhoods emerged in four areas of Thunder Bay. In Port Arthur, Italians settled in the area between Pearl and Bay streets known as Little Italy, while a second concentration emerged along the Fort William Road in the vicinity of Ontario Street and First Avenue. In Fort William the main Italian community emerged in the East End and this area became known as Little Italy. A second but smaller concentration of Italians settled in the Westfort area.

Two major early employers of Italians were the Canadian Pacific Railway and the Canadian Northern Railway. The decade 1902-12 was a formidable one for the Italian community. Faced with harsh industrial conditions in the work place, Italian workers found themselves in the vanguard of militant labour action.

On a number of occasions they found themselves facing the combined resources and muscle of railway company private constables, police, militia and even regular troops. These local confrontations had an impact on the regional as well as national evolution of industrial relations.

In this sense Thunder Bay holds a special place in the history of Italians in Canada. * * * Few details are known about these early strikes. On July 2, 1902, a group of Italian and Finnish workers employed in the freight shed and yards of the Canadian Northern Railway in Port Arthur asked management for an increase in their wages to twenty-five cents per hour. The company immediately dismissed them; the rest of the workers went on a full-scale strike on July 5.3

Two days later the Canadian Northern Railway responded with two powerful weapons - imported strike-breakers and armed men. Ironically, a "gang of Italians," numbering about forty men, was brought from Montreal to replace the strikers at the dock. At the same time, the company hired ten special policemen to prevent the strikers from interfering with the strike-breakers. Presented with this quick and formidable response, the Italian strikers offered no counter-challenge.4

In 1903 Italian freight handlers employed by the Canadian Northern Railway were again the chief protagonists in the struggle against irregular hiring practices at the dock. The company's policy was to hire men on a daily basis; between the arrival of vessels the dock workers were expected to remain idle and without pay. When the workers gathered to protest on May 20, local authorities read the Riot Act and arrested the leader; a crowd of Italian workers who had "become quite ugly" were dispersed by the police.5

The Italians were given their pay and replaced. In these two minor confrontations the foreigners learned that the company could outmanoeuvre them by using strike-breakers, special private police forces that could be established at any time and national laws enforced by local police.

Nevertheless, within the next nine years the immigrant longshoremen challenged their employers three more times, with great determination and militancy.

By 1905 both Fort William and Port Arthur had seen considerable economic development, but for the workers employed at the waterfront conditions were still miserable. It is not surprising, therefore, that in 1906 the Italian workers staged two strikes, against the Canadian Pacific and against the Canadian Northern. On September 29 without warning, ten Italian freight-handlers employed at the Canadian Pacific Railway freight sheds walked out demanding an increase in pay over the current rate of 17.5 cents per hour and 20 cents per hour for day and night work, respectively. They were also entitled to a bonus of 2.5 cents per hour, provided that they remained until the end of the navigation season.6

Since the employers hired their workers on a day-to-day basis, the bonus system was a scheme for maintaining an abundance of cheap labour throughout the season. Even though work might be scarce at the waterfront, any worker who found employment elsewhere forfeited the bonus money he had accumulated.

In addition to the wage issue, Italians may also have been striking in response to rumours reported by the press that the railways planned to shut out Italians and replace them with "thousands of brawny English-speaking men and youths" who were expected to arrive, and by other foreigners of "sturdy races," mainly Finns, Swedes and other Scandinavians, since they were thought to be order-loving, permanent settlers who would make ''the best British citizens."7

On October 2 the strikers declared a general strike and instituted a blockade of Little Italy, which in essence also cut off entry to the adjacent Canadian Pacific Railway freight sheds. At one o'clock the Daily Times-Journal was distributed with the headline, "Shooting and Rioting Started - New Men Coming to Take the Place of the Strikers Are Fired on By Italians."

In what amounted to a small pitched battle, two strikers and one officer were shot when the company's superintendent arrived from Winnipeg with a carload of men who were to have replaced the strikers. Approximately 100 Italian strikers armed with guns, clubs and revolvers awaited the arrival of the strike-breakers.

However, later the same day, four more carloads of strike-breakers were brought in by the Canadian Pacific Railway from Winnipeg. Faced with the railway's reinforced special police force and no shortage of strike-breakers, the Italians called off the strike on the evening of October 2 by agreeing to a compromise worked out by the mayor.

The compromise gave the workers a pay increase of 2.5 cents per hour, but nothing was done about hiring practices or the notorious practice of holding back the bonus money until the end of the season. In Port Arthur, where Italian freight-handlers (many of whom commuted from Fort William's foreign quarter) working for the Canadian Northern Railway had walked out in sympathy with their countrymen in Fort William, the level of violence did not reach the shooting stage.

It is interesting to note, however, that even the Italians who were engaged on the town's excavations left work on the appeal of striking Italians, while the non-ltalian workers remained on the job. This was surely a magnificent display of both class and group solidarity within the two Little Italies.

On October 2 the Canadian Northern Railway imported sixty-four men from Winnipeg, many of them Italians. These men had not heard of the strike. When the imported Italian strike-breakers were told of the situation by their countrymen, they, too, joined the strike. Many of those brought in from Winnipeg found themselves destitute and were taken care of by the Italian community.8

Meanwhile, in light of the solidarity between the imported Italian strikebreakers and the strikers, the Canadian Northern Railway was forced to agree to a settlement similar to that of the Canadian Pacific, namely an increase of 2.5 cents per hour. The Italians received no sympathy in the local press

. A Daily News editorial argued that the major concern: ...is the circumstance that among the strikers are a majority of foreigners, chiefly Italians, who are reported to have prepared to meet opposition to their demands at the point of the knife, the national weapon of the 'dago'.... To strike for more pay is the legitimate prerogative of any man or body of men.

But for a community of British citizens to have to submit to the insult and armed defiance from a disorganized horde of ignorant and low-down mongrel swash bucklers and peanut vendors is making a demand upon national pride which has no excuse. (1 October 1906) All this was the result, the editorial argued, of a lenient policy which the community had adopted in its dealings with Italians of a ''baser sort."

The editor predicted that the Italians were likely to make stabbing and shooting men in the back a regular feature in industrial bargaining processes. The railway companies waited until The 1907 shipping season to shatter the moderate gains that the Italian freight-handlers had won in the 1906 strikes. First came the news that, as had been rumoured during the strike, the Canadian Pacific was going to exclude Italians and Greeks from the freight sheds.

Their work would be limited to the track lines and construction camps. They were to be replaced by 200 to 250 Britishers. "Should trouble arise it is expected that the Briton will be more than a match for Greek," the Daily News reported on April 30. The Canadian Northern Railway struck a second blow when it announced that the rate of pay for the 1907 season would drop 2.5 cents per hour.

On June 10, 1907, the British workers and other foreigners - Hungarians, Poles and Finns - who had replaced the Latvians walked out demanding higher wages. The Canadian Pacific responded by immediately rehiring the Italian and Greek workers that it had earlier locked out.9

The division of the working class along ethnic lines was cultivated and exploited by management. In 1909 a strike at the Canadian Pacific freight sheds commanded national attention. The conflict lasted only six days, but before it was over it took on the character of a miniature insurrection with the residents of Little lately pitted against the Canadian Pacific's special constables, the local police, militia and regular troops that were dispatched to the scene from Winnipeg, on the other. On August 9,1909, 600 freight-handlers, most of them foreign born, walked out of the Canadian Pacific sheds demanding higher wages.10

Once again the Italians and Greeks were perceived as the instigators and leaders. On August 10, Italians began to patrol Little Italy armed with sticks, stopping anyone who appeared to be a strikebreaker. When the railway moved thirty of its imported special constables into the area, the constables were mistaken for strike-breakers; a thirty-minute gun battle ensued.11

The local militia was soon brought into Little Italy. It happened that a famous Canadian military figure, Colonel S.B. Steele, was visiting the area; he decided to take personal charge of the troops and requested seventy-five regulars from Winnipeg. Steele used the military, who had orders to shoot to kill if necessary, to seal off Little Italy.

In a search for weapons the police and soldiers ransacked Italian homes and outbuildings. The search uncovered about thirty revolvers and rifles. The Canadian Pacific also brought in French-Canadian workers, but when these men learned of the strike, about 50 of the 100 French Canadians sacrificed the opportunity for high wages and joined the strikers.12

Faced with the formidable power of the company, backed by the local police and military, the strikers held a "conference of all nations" and agreed. with a proposal to have the federal Minister of Labour, Mackenzie King, arbitrate the dispute under terms of the Industrial Dispute Investigation Act.

The investigating board awarded the strikers an increase of 3 cents per hour (making their new hourly rate 20.5 cents per hour) and recommended that the practice of retaining the bonus earned until the end of the season be abolished.13

At the beginning of the 1910 shipping season, the management of the Canadian Pacific took another stab at eliminating the gains made by the workers during the bloody 1909 struggle. It was announced that, as in 1907, the Italians and Greeks would no longer be given employment in the freight sheds. Even the "white Italians" (from northern Italy) were excluded.14

In order to guard against possible reprisals by the blackballed workers, the CPR brought its chief secret agent to the city who boasted of having organized enough constables capable of being able to "compete with a company of soldiers, let alone a bunch of foreigners....''15

The Italians and the Greeks did not initiate any major action. The last major industrial conflict prior to World War One occurred in the summer of 1912. The strike was against the Canadian Northern Coal and Ore Company. The coal handlers (many of whom were from Fort William's East End) had managed to form the Coal Handlers Union Local No. 319. Since its inception in 1911 the union had been influenced by Italians - its first president was an Italian, Mike Pento, and its first treasurer was Nicola Ciacco.16

When the company was presented with the union's demands, it responded by firing the president and the secretary. On July 20, 1912, the coal handlers set up their picket line at a strategic point in Port Arthur's Little Italy, commanding the only entrance to the coal docks.In the evening several men attempted to cross the picket line to go to work but were turned back by the strikers, who were "flourishing" a revolver.

A policeman arrived at the scene to arrest the Italian strikers, but the policeman was himself disarmed by five or six strikers who drew revolvers. Learning of this incident, the chief of police, with a number of officers, went to the scene to arrest the ring leader, a man known as "Tony the Shoemaker," but the police were met by strikers armed with clubs and guns. A violent confrontation ensued.

The police force suffered a number of injuries, and many Italians were wounded. Two Italian br others, Dominic and Nicola Deprenzo, suffered the most extensive injuries. Dominic received seven bullet wounds; Nicola was hit by five bullets and both his hands were "shot off."17

The local militia moved in, and squads of soldiers and police "ransacked Italian houses" searching for weapons. The search produced no weapons and resulted in no arrests.The authorities offered protection to anyone who wanted to work but none dared.

The local paper reported that the company was taking no chances: A special squad of policemen armed with Winchester rifles with sufficient ammunition to blow the inhabitants of Port Arthur's 'Little Old Italy' into eternity were soon patrolling the property of the Canadian Northern and Ore Dock Company. (Daily Times-Journal, 1 August 1912) Five days later the company accepted most of the workers' demands and the strike ended.

The ramifications of the strike however lingered on in the Italian community and for the two Deprenzo brothers the strike had tragic consequences.

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Both brothers were brought to trial on October 8, 1912.18 Dominic was charged with attempting to murder the chief of police and Nicola was charged with assaulting a constable.

To say the least police evidence against the two brothers was highly questionable but the defendants did not speak English well and were less convincing witnesses. The defence fought the case on the grounds of compassion rather than on the quality ot the evidence given by the police.

Their lawyer suggested to the jury that they keep in mind the circumstances of the Italian immigrants and the important role they were playing in the Canadian industrial process: He said they were mostly coarse, rough, uneducated peasants from southern Italy, their only advantage being their strong frames and tough sinews that made them an invaluable acquisition to Canada, for performing the rough, dirty work such as handling coal. They were, he said, the hewers of wood and drawers of water.

They were thrifty and saving. Most of them had dependents away back in Italy and as each pay day came along they sent their savings to support their loved ones at home. The judge in charge of the case saw the trial of the Deprenzo brothers as an opportunity to teach the foreigners, and particularly the Italians, a lesson: The point he emphasized was that those foreigners must not be led to believe that they can take the law into their own hands, throwing aside the measures provided by civilized society for the punishment of crime.

If this condition was once allowed civilization would descend to barbarism and anybody having a grievance would be inclined to take the law in his own hands and resort to violence and outrage to avenge his wrongs. The law would be overthrown and the courts of Justice would he a hollow mockery.

The point that must be brought home to these people was that violence in any form will not be tolerated in this country regardless of any custom or usages prevailing in Russia, Finland, Italy or whatever country the foreign element comes from. The jury recommended that the charge of attempted murder be dropped but found the Deprenzo brothers guilty of resisting arrest and of unlawful wounding.

Judge Middleton sentenced both brothers to a ten-year prison term at Stoney Mountain Penitentiary. The sentence caused a great deal of grief among the workers particularly since it was common knowledge that in fact it was "Tony the Shoemaker" who hit the chief of police over the head with a pick handle. He fled the scene and was spirited into the United States allegedly by the local "Black Handers."

These strikes suggest that the Italian immigrants' militancy and willingness to risk their lives in armed confrontations were an essential factor in their partial success. Management's first response to a strike was almost instinctively to turn to local or imported recruits to break it. The only effective means that the Italians and other foreigners had to keep alive the possibility of winning concessions was to introduce physical force to prevent others from taking their jobs.

During this turbulent decade of Canadian history 1902-12 the Italians of Fort William and Port Arthur who were at the forefront of violent strikes had little or no previous experience in industrial conflict. But with steady determination they faced practically all of the strike-breaking schemes ever devised.

Paradoxically for a short time they also became a strike-breaking tool in 1907. After British and other foreign workers had accepted Canadian Pacific's policy of excluding Italian labour without challenge the Italians returned to work for the railway when those employees struck for higher wages. It should be made clear however that the Italians made their greatest impact in Thunder Bay as effective strikers - not as strike-breakers.

The high degree of militancy that the Italians displayed in their new proletarian roles in Thunder Bay was not a trait that originated exclusively in the new industrial milieu. Neither was this militancy an automatic application of the "revoltist traditions" that were deeply rooted in their agrarian background.19

The militancy of the Italian immigrants was shaped by their semi-feudal European past combined with the harsh industrial present that seemed to lock them into perpetual industrial serfdom thus undermining the success of their mission to America. To quote Eric T. Hobsbawm, "But it must never be forgotten that the bulk of industrial workers in all countries began like Americans as first-generation immigrants from pre-industrial societies even if they never actually moved from the place in which they had been born. And like all first-generation immigrants they looked backwards as much as forwards."20

During this very volatile decade the Italians managed to stabilize their community by establishing three important institutions. The first created in 1909 in Fort William's East End was the Societa Italiana di Benevolenza - Principe di Piemonte (today generally known as the Da Vinci Centre). Also in the East End in 1912 the Italian community built St. Joseph's Church (later renamed St. Dominic's in 1916).

During the same year the Italians of Port Arthur built St. Anthony's at the corner of Banning and Dufferin streets. In 1929 they then established the Societa Italiana di Mutuo Soccorso a mutual benefit society (today generally known as the Italian Centennial Hall). The outbreak of World War One halted these waves of labour-capital confrontations.

By this time the Italian community was well established. Having played a leading role in the shaping of Canadian industrial relations it had integrated itself in the process of nation building in an active and primary way. During the 1920s and 1930s the residents of the Italian community were almost fanatically concerned with presenting a good image to the community at large.

They felt a need to win honour for the patria (native land) and by doing so win respect and acceptance in Canada. It was thought that by maintaining high standards of morality these two goals would be achieved. An analysis of the benevolent society Principe di Piemonte from its inception in 1909 to 1949 clearly shows that the promotion of the respectability of the entire Italian community remained a constant priority.

Over the years the Principe di Piemonte fostered a sense of pride in the Italian heritage and enforced a strict code of conduct for its members. The society emerged as an agent of social control within the Italian community. A similar orientation was followed by the Italian Mutual Aid Society of Port Arthur.

During the 1 930s, international events and, in particular, events in fascist Italy, were also demanding the attention of Thunder Bay's two Little Italies. Usually the name of Mussolini provided Italians with a sense of glory and pride, many of whom were feeling the gloom of the economic stress of the depression. Also, because Italian communities in Canada generally equated fascism with patriotism and because they were cut off from the mainstream of Anglo-Canadian society by the language barrier and discrimination, many Italian immigrants welcomed the opportunity to identify with a dynamic leader who was at the forefront of international events.

In the wake of the Ethiopian campaign of 1935-36, Italian-born priests and Italian consuls successfully appealed to women to donate their gold wedding rings to help the cause of Italy. In Thunder Bay Cavaliere Emilio Marino, the Italian consular agent, spearheaded a drive to collect gold items from the Italian women of the community and many responded with such donations. Because support for the fascist regime in Canada's Italian communities stemmed largely from sentiments of patriotism and was not based on ideological tenets, many of the women who had donated gold items for the Italian Red Cross felt that they had been betrayed by Mussolini when Italy joined Nazi Germany in the war against the Allies on June 10, 1940.21

The outbreak of the Second World War placed the Italians of Thunder Bay in a most difficult position. Even prior to the outbreak of hostilities, on January 5, 1939, a member of the Principe di Piemonte expressed the anxiety felt by many Italians when he voiced his opinion at a society meeting that in light of world events they all should demonstrate to Canada that they were ignorant of what was happening overseas in order to avoid being disliked.22

John Defeo, a second-generation Italian Canadian, recalls that in 1940 a fellow worker accused him of being a fascist since he belonged to the Principe di Piemonte - a charge that was greatly resented. Defeo was restrained by a CPR constable from attacking his co-worker, "because I would have put a hammer through his [co-worker's] head. That really burned me up!"23

Interested in preserving the image of respectability and good Canadian citizenship which had been nurtured since the 1920s, the Principe di Piemonte pledged, three days after German troops had invaded Poland, on September 4, 1939, that Little Italy was, without reservation, going to be loyal to Canada.

On that date a motion was passed that a message be sent to the mayor of Fort William, the premier of Ontario, the prime minister and the local press informing them that upon examination of the critical world events, the Italians were all prepared to help Canada and the British Empire. In his study of the Port Arthur Italian Mutual Aid Society, John Potestio is struck by the rapidity with which that society also affirmed its loyalty to Canada.

This pledge came on September 6, 1939, at a special meeting of the society when the following resolution was adopted unanimously: Resolved that the members of the Italian Mutual Benefit Society of Port Arthur, be loyal to the British Empire, and abide by the laws of our Canadian Government, and pledge ourselves to be loyal British subjects. We sincerely hope that the good relations between our native land and our adopted country will forever remain. Be it further resolved that a copy of this resolution be forwarded to the Right Honourable W.L. Mackenzie King, Honourable C.D. Howe and to the Mayor and Council of the City of Port Arthur.24

Throughout the duration of the war, the Principe di Piemonte demonstrated the loyalty of Little Italy to Canada by raising funds to purchase government war bonds and by providing moral support for local Italians who were serving in the Canadian armed forces.

A serious effort to raise funds was started on July 3, 1940, when the society decided to hold weekly dances with the proceeds used to purchase war saving stamps. "Victory Dances," as these social events became known, primarily involved the younger members of the society who had been raised or born in Fort William. By the end of December 1944, the Principe de Piemonte had purchased $2,604 worth of war bonds and certificates and more were purchased in 1945.

In addition, loyalty to Canada was also expressed by periodic contributions to the Canadian Red Cross and to the fund to help the victims of the London bombings. Similar action was also taken by the Italian Mutual Benefit Society. For example, in 1940 the society entered a float in a Victory Loan Parade and was involved in raising funds for the war effort, the purchasing of Victory Bonds and other related activities. For members serving in the military, the society exempted them from monthly dues payment.

Then in April l 943 the society decided to forward a one-dollar gift to each Italian of Fort William who was in the services and five dollars to the Italian-Canadian soldiers who were members of the society. These gestures were intended to show respect to the young people of Little Italy who were called upon to fight for Canada.25

These various initiatives taken by the Principe di Piemonte were designed to prove to the community that the Italians were loyal Canadians after all. Their lingering Italian patriotism had not impeded their obligations to Canada. The authorities, for their part, limited their surveillance of Italians to the taking of finger prints of Italian males and seizing the records of the Italian consular agent, Emilio Marino.26

The Italians received the assurance of Mayor Ross of Fort William that they were well protected by the local and federal authorities. In terms of adjustment, the tense war years were a period of accelerated change of perceptions in Little Italy. Having fully supported Canada at war, the Italian immigrants had consciously severed their Italian citizenship.

For their offspring, their involvement in the war effort had even more dramatic results as one participant articulates: Well, of course, we were all foreigners. We were born in this country but we were all foreigners. On the job where I worked on the railroad I was always referred to as a foreigner, you accepted this, there was nothing else about it. The first time I was regarded as a Canadian was when I came back from the Navy, then I wasn't a foreigner anymore, it seems.27

* * * Clearly the Italians played a major role in the early development of Thunder Bay, particularly in industrial relations and industrial development. Even within the Italian community, this aspect of history has largely been forgotten. There was a great deal of reluctance to discuss these events by those pioneers who lived through the traumatic period of 1902-12. Past militant action against the establishment was not conducive to the ongoing quest to win acceptance and respectability within the host country.

As a result, Italian feats during the famous strikes and subsequent confrontations did not become part of community folklore. However, the degree of militancy and its intensity over a ten-year period depicts an immigrant community that was largely active and not reactive in the course of events.

For this reason Thunder Bay's two Little Italies emerge as extraordinary agents of change within the context of Canadian industrial relations. Also it is apparent that the Italian benevolent and mutual aid societies played a positive and central role in the evolution of the community. Through these institutions the immigrants and their offspring were able to cultivate the reestablishment of important and intricate social relations.

In this manner the negative consequences of having been uprooted were greatly cushioned. Furthermore, through these institutions Italians were able to maintain emotional ties with their native land and its culture as well as reassure their adopted country of their loyalty during the dark days of World War Two. By the end of the war the Italian community of Thunder Bay had established a niche for itself within the framework of Canadian society.

NOTES

1. Robert F. Foerster, The Italian Emigration of Our Times, Harvard Economic Studies XX (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1919 ), p. 3.

2. Letter from Thomas Marks, mayor of Port Arthur, to consul general of Italy, 5 August 1884, Thomas Marks Letter Books, 1884, p. 776, Thunder Bay Historical Museum Society.

3. Fort William, Daily Times-Journal, 5 July 1902. A more detailed account of these early labour strikes is found in Antonio Pucci, "Canadian Industrialization Versus the Italian Contadini in a Decade of Brutality," Little Italies in North America, eds. Robert F. Hurney and J.V. Scarpaci (Toronto, 1981), pp. 183-207.

4. Daily Times-Journal, 7-8 July 1902.

5. Ibid., 20 May 1903.

6. Ibid., l, 3 October 1906.

7. Daily News (Port Arthur), 2 October 1906.

8. Ibid., 1, 2 October 1906.

9. "Greeks and Italians Seem to Have Broken the Freight Handlers Strike" was the heading on the startling newspaper report, Daily Times-Journal, 11 June 1907.

10. Daily Times Journal, 9 August 1909.

11. Labour Gazette 10 (September l909): 344.

12. Daily Times-Journal, 14 August 1909.

13. Labour Gazette 10 (September 1909): 341-47.

14. Daily News, 8, 14 April 1910.

15. Daily Times-Journal, 13 April 1910.

16. Coal Handlers Union Local No. 319, Minute Book, 18 March 1911, Thunder Bay Historical Museum Society Archives.

17. Daily News, 30 July 1912.

18. The following account of the trial is based on the Daily News's account of the proceedings, 9 October 1912.

19. Daniel L. Horowitz, The Italian Labor Movement (Cambridge, Mass., 1963), pp. 23, 327. Horowitz points out that in many pre-industrial societies, protest against oppressive conditions is usually unorganized, giving rise to "revoltist traditions." In rural Italy, both in the south and in the north-central region, "revoltist traditions" were particularly entrenched.

20. Eric J. Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the Nineteenth and Twentieth centuries (New York, 1955), p.108.

21. Taped interviews with Julia Marchiori, Rachela Cimone and Filomena Truisi.

22. Minutes of Principe di Piemonte, 5 January 1939.

23. Interview with J. Defeo, Tape no. 8, Lakehead University Archives 186a.

24. John Potestio, The History of the Italian Mutual Aid Society (1929-1984) (Thunder Bay: Lehto Printers, 1985), p.45.

25. Minutes of Principe di Piemonte, 28 December 1944, 4 April 1945; 9 October l940, 27 May l941; 28 January l942; 19 April 1943; 11 March 1942.

26. Taped interview with Tony Fogolin

27. Interview with J. Defeo, Tape no. 8, Lakehead University Archives 186a.

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The Ethnic Press

The development of Ontario's numerous multi-ethnic newspapers came with tireless hard work and devotion. Often times, one person served as journalist, editor, distributor, and printer. These papers sprung up in various parts of the province and were specific to particular ethnic groups. Frequently only two or three people ran the entire operation. Although these papers themselves were operated by only a handful of people, the objective of these papers was to represent the community they served. Where the concerns and opinions of new immigrants could not be found in the mainstream English papers, the smaller ethnic presses gave voice to these concerns and addressed their issues. The ethnic press became a forum through which ideas questions and problems of new immigrants could be addressed and discussed.

Giving voice to a specific group of new immigrants not only served to bring that community closer together, but it also helped to develop in that community a sense of identity within Ontario's vast multicultural spectrum.

(Edited excerpt from the Introduction in Polyphony (The Press). Written by Robert F. Harney)


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Guide Books

Immigrants usually left behind a cultural milieu that had prepared them not just for the wealth of opportunity in the New World, but also for the high human cost of access to it. The immigrants' dreams were fired by images such as snatches of wondrous descriptions in letters from Canada; he absorbed details from ethnic newspapers published in North America, glossy advertisements, and guide books - these last almost always written by those who claimed to be either experts or reliable compatriots of the emigrants.

The guides, dictionaries, phrasebooks, letter writing manuals and handbooks published under ethnic auspices were not necessarily free of ideology or commercial motives; they do though, bring into print the cautionaries, lore, and concerns born of the genre's long tradition and immigrant's harsh experiences. To complete our picture of the emigrant's cosmos, an analysis of the written word's effect on the emigrant's decision to migrate and his vision of North America needs to be added to the anthropological dimension.

(Edited excerpt from the Introduction in Polyphony (Guide Books). Written by Robert F. Harney.)


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Canada's Digital Collections This digital collection was
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Collections Program, Industry Canada
Multicultural History Society of Ontario
Multicultural
History
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Ontario
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History of the Ecuadorian League of Amateur Soccer (LEFA)
JORGE E. ROMERO

Sports and Ethnicity
Spring/Summer 1985 Vol. 7 No. 1 Pg. 29

The flow of Latin Americans to Canada began in 1968. For those of us who arrived here hoping to build a better future, Canada was a country of promise and aspiration.

Upon arrival, however, we faced a number of problems: the unknown language, the inhospitable climate, the fact that we were immigrants and a series of difficulties related directly to a new way of life that differed greatly from the one we had left behind in Latin America. These problems created an atmosphere of discontent, uncertainty and fear among us. Inspired by the fragrance of spring, a group of us from Toronto got together in 1970 at Christie Park and formed a soccer team. We named the team Sporting Christie because the majority of its members lived in the neighbourhood.

Playing on the team soon came to serve as an escape valve for the tensions and worries which, compounded by the harsh winter of 1970, had left us feeling sluggish and constricted. The creation of the team also enabled us to awaken others from their lethargy.

In fact, our example inspired the formation of other sports, social and cultural groups in Toronto's Spanish-American community. As the number of soccer teams in our community grew, efforts were made to organise a tournament for Latin American soccer teams.

The Ecuadorian League of Amateur Soccer (LEFA), our community's first league, was formed thanks to the initiative of Francisco Espinoza, current vice president of the Metropolitan Toronto Soccer Association, Oscar Gonzalez, now LEFA's secretary, Jorge Romero, today president of LEFA, and Manuel Rugel and Olmedo Bohorquez, members of the Metropolitan Toronto Soccer Association's board of directors.

Officially registered in 1974, this league was created not only to promote soccer, butalso to play a social and cultural role in the Spanish-American community.

One of its priorities has been to offer counselling to young people. To the present day, the philosophy of our soccer organisation has been to utilise sports as an opportunity for individuals to keep mind and body in excellent condition.

Since 1975 LEFA has held its popular annual soccer tournament - Confraternidad Grancolombiana.

The purpose of the tournament is to unite the Spanish-American community by strengthening fraternal ties within it.

The tournament championship games are held every May at Earlscourt Park, and they are accompanied by an elaborate program. First, all participating teams, their beauty queens and directors, parade around the field.

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The parade is followed by the singing of Canada's national anthem, and by the official inauguration of the championship by prominent people from our community.

Our first championship game, for example, was inaugurated by the Colombian Consul, Mrs. Margarita Caldas, who stated that the Confraternidad Grancolombiana was an expression of Simon Bolivar's ideal of uniting Latin American peoples. Similarly, prominent community members are chosen to take the athletic oath with all the participants, promising to respect and abide by the competition's rules.

Next, a jury selects the best team uniform, and the winning team is awarded a trophy. Only then do the tournament games begin. Following the tournament, a beauty contest is held.

Wearing sashes with the respective club names, the contestants from each team compete for the title of Miss Confraternidad Grancolombiana, Miss Sport and Miss Sympathy, and for a variety of prizes.

The contest concludes with a dance. For the members of LEFA, sports are the universal form of collective expression. Through our soccer league we hasten community development and promote a sense of fraternity among our youths.

List of teams that participated in the first Confraternidad Grancolombiana in 1975:

Seleccion Colombia
Colombia Centro Gallego
Spain Millonarios de Colombia
Colombia Duran-Independiente
Ecuador Ponderosa del Peru
Peru Rio Amazonas
Ecuador Chile Lindo
Chile Deportivo Chile
Chile Estrella Roja
Ecuador Pichincha
Ecuador Tungurahua
Ecuador Reynolds
Ecuador Manta

Ecuador List of teams that participated in the tenth soccer championship, Confraternidad Grancolombiana, in 1984:

El Salvador
El Salvador Espanol
Spain Independiente
Ecuador Medellin
Colombia Guatemala
Guatemala America
Ecuador Atletico Ecuador
Ecuador Jane and Finch
Ecuador Chile 79 "A"
Chile Victoria de Chile
Chile Quetzal
Guatemala Manta
Ecuador Chichicazte
Guatemala Cuzcatlan
El Salvador Rio Amazonas
Ecuador Christie
Ecuador Seleccion Colombia
Colombia Huracan
Ecuador Aucas
Ecuador

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Baseball and Ethnic Violence in Toronto: the Case of the Christie Pits Riot, August 16, 1933
CYRIL LEVITT and WILLIAM SHAFFIR

Sports and Ethnicity
Spring/Summer 1985 Vol. 7 No. 1 Pg. 67

During the depression, the City of Toronto made a concerted effort to keep many of its young men out of trouble by providing them with a program of organised sports at a number of parks and playgrounds.1

The most popular of the sports activities was baseball, and amateur teams were followed by their fans with a degree of enthusiasm nearly equal to that shown for the major leagues.

On most evenings during the summer months amateur hardball and softball games provided free and exciting entertainment for many who could not afford more expensive forms of leisurely diversion. At one of these games, played in Willowvale Park (popularly referred to as Christie Pits), one of the most serious ethnic disturbances in Toronto's history took place.

The summer of 1933 was particularly hot and humid. The oppressive weather only exacerb